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Tenacious in Dissent, Hopeful in Power: Anwar Ibrahim, 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia

Tenacious in Dissent, Hopeful in Power: Anwar Ibrahim, 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia

KHOO Boo Teik
October 2025

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim assumed leadership as the 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia on November 24, 2022. My book, Anwar Ibrahim: Tenacious in Dissent, Hopeful in Power, investigates his record as a political dissident prior to his rise to power and evaluates his performance while in power.


In 1998, Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad dismissed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Anwar Ibrahim after a disagreement regarding the management of the financial and economic disasters of the July 1997 East Asian Financial Crisis. Mahathir favored state intervention in the economy to protect strategic and important sectors, whereas Anwar believed that the market should resolve its major problems, arguing that Mahathir’s approach favored corruption and nepotism.

Against Persecution

After a farcical trial, Anwar was convicted of corruption and sentenced to six years in jail. He faced an additional nine years of imprisonment when he was convicted of sodomy after another ludicrous trial. In 2004, he was freed following the Federal Court’s acceptance of his appeal against the sodomy conviction. In 2015, however, he was imprisoned for another 5 years on a second fabricated conviction of sodomy.

In 2018, Anwar was released on a royal pardon of his last conviction. If his years in prison were added to the 20 months, he spent in detention without trial beginning in 1974, then he would have been behind bars for a total of 11 out of his 71 years. Nevertheless, these jail terms failed to derail his political career.

Anwar was ironically part of Mahathir’s government from 1982 to 1998. Even more interesting, he was a friendly Member of Parliament when Mahathir served his second term as Prime Minister from 2018 to 2020. Apart from these instances, Anwar opposed every Prime Minister of Malaysia.

Qualities of Resistance

Anwar has been characterized as rebellious, charismatic, and populist since his university days. He has exhibited talent for combative oratory and capacity to mobilize students and youth in the name of nationalism and Islam. He founded the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement and served as the President from 1974 to 1982. He has reflected an ideological combination of dissenting Islamic thought, advocacy for a “humane economy,” resistance to corruption by the elite, and tendency toward democratic multicultural politics. Given these attributes, he has led a coalition of opposition parties against the Malaysian regimes.

After several failed attempts, he finally assumed leadership as Prime Minister in 2022. His success was atypical. A weakened former ruling party, the United Malays National Organisation, and coalitions from regional political parties of the states of Sarawak and Sabah joined his coalition, Pact of Hope. Despite securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament, his political base remains unstable, given that it is a coalition of coalitions. At any point, his position could become vulnerable if a member of his coalition were to desert him. Nonetheless, his regime continues to be intact despite strong opposition from parliamentary opponents and his old nemesis, Mahathir Mohamad.

Connections to Popular Dissent

Anwar’s success can be attributed to the highly dissident atmosphere of Malaysian politics in the past 25 years. During his conviction, Anwar received support from Reformasi, a popular movement against Mahathir and two other former prime ministers. Moreover, a powerful electoral reform coalition held five mass rallies between 2007 and 2016. This reform movement broadened its demands to electoral changes, thus reflecting the dissenting tendencies against corruption and injustice at the time. Opposition parties, nongovernment organizations, and masses of ordinary citizens joined the reform rallies. Their protests weakened the regimes’ control of the political system in general elections.

The ruling regimes renounced their customary two-thirds parliamentary majority in 2008, experienced further parliamentary seat losses in 2013, and was defeated for the first time in the general election of 2018. Anwar, who was released in 2018 after being imprisoned since 2015, greatly benefited from the nationwide opposition movement that placed him in power.

Anwar’s Humane Economy

A powerful concept boosted Anwar’s politics—the humane economy. He frequently cited Islamic precepts and Asian philosophies to support his ideas in relation to this concept. He argued that the national economy during Mahathir’s and succeeding regimes was corrupt. The combination of political influence and corporate greed allowed a rich clique to profit from vague privatization and negotiated tenders. Anwar aimed to eradicate this system. Inspired by efficiency and justice, his vision of the humane economy included a supply of affordable goods and services to the poor and underprivileged. He intended to improve the educational, medical, and public service sectors. His vision of a “New Dawn” for Malaysia outlined many of these ideas, which his political party launched in its campaign for the general election of 2013.

He offered another radical notion. He and his coalition expressed a commitment to abolish the New Economic Policy, which was originally formulated in 1971. He concluded that the ethnically based affirmative action programs of the New Economic Policy had become weak. In response, he proposed a nonethnic, performance-based, affirmative action plan, which would assist the needy regardless of their background and address the interethnic tension of the political system. If properly implemented, then this plan could lead to reforms in education, public service employment, and other services.

Finally, he advocated for a democratic framework of governance that would ensure fair treatment of the diverse cultures of Malaysia. After many years of persecution, he displayed opposition toward the Internal Security Act, the Sedition Act, and other repressive laws of the previous regimes. Thus, one of the goals of his administration was to introduce a nonrepressive framework. In its ideal form, this framework would constitute Muslim democracy.

In Government

My book ends with a description of Anwar’s first few months in power. In the general election of 2022, Anwar’s multiethnic party only gained a small degree of support from Malay voters. Arguably, his regime is the most multicultural government in the history of Malaysian politics. He has retained a moderate Islamic position socially and politically. However, the Islamic opposition has constantly challenged him regarding religious issues. Moreover, he has not abolished the New Economic Policy to avoid offending the deeply divided majority Malay community by withdrawing the current economic benefits. He has called his regime a Unity Government that rules Malaysia Madani (Civilised Malaysia). The principal values underlying his concept of a caring civil society are sustainability, prosperity, innovation, respect, trust, and compassion. No one will dismiss these values; however, applying them to socioeconomic projects will take great effort.

His regime has undertaken projects that offer lower-cost housing and affordable supplies and promote rural development, flood mitigation, village handicraft, and improvement in infrastructure and services to poorer communities. Apart from specific projects that target the B40 and M40 (bottom and middle 40% of the population, respectively), the economy has mainly progressed in the same manner as in previous regimes. Although his policy direction remains unclear, private and foreign investment drive the economy.

Present Concerns

In the meantime, Anwar faces a different problem: the conflicting interests of his coalition. For example, the powerful Islamic opposition party intends to intensify its brand of Islamization and pushes for more anticorruption trials. However, the Sarawak parties oppose this political stance. The latter prefers expanded regional autonomy, increased oil royalties, promotion of English language education, and reduction in Islamization. In contrast, the United Malays National Organisation offers an opposite, more pro-Malay program—its ideology when it was in power. Many former pro-Anwar nongovernment organizations now criticize the government and—specifically—Anwar due to his lack of policy clarity. They demand accelerated social development, police reform, an independent anticorruption commission, and an autonomous judiciary, among others.

Anwar could maintain the stability of his regime until the next general election of 2027 or 2028. However, if he intends to remain in power for another 5-year term, then he must satisfactorily address the issues of corruption, interethnic equality, and education; importantly, he must provide resolutions regardless of the degrees and places of origins of these issues.

Author’s Note

This column is written based on my recent book: Khoo Boo Teik. 2023. Anwar Ibrahim: Tenacious in Dissent, Hopeful in Power, Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre.

Author’s Profile

Khoo Boo Teik is Research Fellow Emeritus of the Institute of Developing Economies (IDE-JETRO), and Professor Emeritus of the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS), Tokyo.

* Thumbnail image: “Anwar Ibrahim campaigning” Didiz, CC BY-SA 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons
**The views expressed in the columns are those of the author(s) and do not represent the views of IDE or the institutions to which the authors are attached.

©2025 KHOO Boo Teik

This column is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed