The Developing Economies
Volume 35, Number 3 (September 1997)
■ The Developing Economies Volume 35, Number 3 (September 1997)
■ B5
■ 105pp
■ September 1997
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CONTENTS
A Reassessment of Malaysia's New Economic Policy: A Sociopolitical Approach
The New Economic Policy and the Chinese Community in Peninsular Malaysia (81KB) / Heng Pek Koon
Factors on Polygamy in Sub-Saharan Africa: Findings Based on the Demographic and Health Surveys (567KB) / Yasuko Hayase and Kao-Lee Liaw
Book Reviews
The Indonesian Economy since 1966: Southeast Asia's Emerging Giant by Hal Hill (24KB) / Herry Darwanto
Abstract
Takashi
Torii,
"The
New
Economic
Policy
and
the
United
Malays
National
Organization
--With
Special
Reference
to
the
Restructuring
of
Malaysian
Society--
,"
pp.
209-39.
This
article
analyzes
the
twenty-year
process
(1971-90)
of
the
implementation
of
the
New
Economic
Policy
of
Malaysia,
focusing
on
the
role
of
the
United
Malays
National
Organization
(UMNO),
as
the
promoter
of
the
NEP.
The
author
gives
special
attention
to
the
duality
of
nationalism
in
Malaysia,
as
both
Malay
nationalism
and
Malaysian
nationalism.
Malaysian
economic
nationalism
must
be
understood
in
the
context
of
this
duality,
which
is
reflected
in
the
contents
of
the
NEP.
On
this
basis,
the
NEP
has
been
divided
into
the
following
periods.
The
first
period
runs
from
1971
through
1975,
the
era
of
the
rise
of
Malay
economic
nationalism.
The
second,
between
1976
and
1984,
was
characterized
by
the
adjustment
of
Malay
nationalist
economic
policies
and
the
emergence
of
Malaysian
economic
nationalism.
In
the
third,
which
began
in
1984
and
runs
to
the
present,
market
mechanisms
were
introduced
and
the
role
of
the
NEP
diminished.
Using
the
above
periodization
and
based
on
UMNO
internal
documents,
the
author
presents
a
multi-faceted
analysis
of
the
NEP
processes
from
the
culmination
of
Malay
economic
nationalism
which
lasted
until
1975,
down
to
the
institution
of
the
Industrial
Co-ordination
Act,
in
reference
to
changes
in
the
perceptions
of
government
leaders,
intra-UMNO
political
power
relations,
and
the
visions
of
future
economic
structure
projected
by
the
promoters
of
Malay
economic
nationalism.
Shamsul
A.
B.,
"The
Economic
Dimension
of
Malay
Nationalism
--The
Socio-Historical
Roots
of
the
New
Economic
Policy
and
Its
Contemporary
Implications--
,"
pp.
240-61.
Malaysia's
well-known
New
Economic
Policy
(NEP),
launched
soon
after
the
May
1969
ethnic
disturbances
in
Kuala
Lumpur,
has
been
perceived
by
many
as
a
set
of
measures
inspired
by
ethnic-based
"economic
nationalism";
namely,
that
of
the
Malays.
The
author
argues
that
NEP
should
be
located
within
the
broader
concern
of
the
failure
of
"Malay
nationalism."
This
essay
presents
a
detailed
examination
of
the
origin,
evolution,
and
transformation
of
the
economic
dimension
of
Malay
nationalism.
The
author
argues
that
these
aspects
of
Malay
nationalism
have
been
neglected
in
the
general
discourse
on
the
subject,
both
in
the
past
and
at
present,
owing
to
overemphasis
on
the
political
aspect.
Moreover,
the
economic
dimension
deserves
much
more
attention
and
analytical
treatment
in
view
of
the
proclaimed
success
of
the
implementation
of
NEP.
The
need
to
do
so
becomes
more
urgent,
since
NEP
has
had
significant
impact
not
only
upon
the
social
life
of
Malays
but
also
that
of
non-Malays.
Heng
Pek
Koon,
"The
New
Economic
Policy
and
the
Chinese
Community
in
Peninsular
Malaysia,"
pp.
262-92.
The
paper
evaluates
the
impact
of
the
New
Economic
Policy
(NEP,
1970-91)
on
the
Chinese
community
in
Peninsular
Malaysia
and
the
responses
of
that
community
to
the
state-interventionist
program
which
sought
to
restructure
Malaysian
society
by
advancing
Malay
economic
well-being.
Chinese
responses
from
political,
business,
and
education
circles
are
analyzed
chronologically
to
reflect
four
stages
of
the
NEP's
evolution:
(1)
origins
and
early
years,
(2)
implementation
and
impact,
(3)
recasting
and
liberalization,
and
(4)
replacement
by
the
National
Development
Policy.
While
the
NEP
presented
formidable
obstacles
to
Chinese
business
interests,
and
while
Chinese
discontent
was
widespread,
the
overall
economic
position
of
the
community
did
not
suffer.
Chinese
entrepreneurs,
particularly
the
wealthiest
and
most
influential
businessmen,
prospered
by
forging
strategic
alliances
with
well-connected
partners/patrons
from
the
Malay
power
center.
At
the
same
time,
the
United
Malays
National
Organization
(UMNO)
leadership,
faced
with
the
country's
worst
recession
since
independence,
pragmatically
responded
by
liberalizing
the
NEP
in
the
mid-1980s
and
implementing
the
growth-oriented
National
Development
Policy
(NDP)
in
1991.
Yasuko
Hayase
and
Kao-Lee
Liaw,
"Factors
on
Polygamy
in
Sub-Saharan
Africa:
Findings
Based
on
the
Demographic
and
Health
Surveys,"
pp.
293-327.
This
paper
analyzes
the
effects
of
(1)
women's
education,
(2)
their
husbands'
education,
(3)
religion,
(4)
urbanization,
(5)
ethnicity,
(6)
current
age
(birth
cohort),
and
(7)
the
age
at
first
marriage
on
the
propensities
of
being
in
polygamous
unions
among
the
married
women
of
four
sub-Saharan
African
countries.
The
analysis
is
carried
out
by
applying
a
logit
model
to
the
micro
data
of
the
Demographic
and
Health
Surveys
of
Senegal,
Ghana,
Kenya,
and
Zimbabwe.
Main
findings:
First,
the
relative
importance
of
women's
education
versus
their
husbands'
education
in
reducing
the
polygamous
propensity,
tends
to
be
greater
with
the
modernization
(Westernization)
of
a
society.
Second,
the
increase
in
men's
education
from
secondary
to
a
higher
level
does
not
have
a
negative
effect
on
women's
polygamous
propensity
in
Senegal
and
Ghana
and
enhances
the
propensity
significantly
in
Zimbabwe.
This
finding
suggests
that
polygamy
is
still
widely
regarded
as
a
symbol
of
social
status
and
economic
achievement
for
males
in
sub-Saharan
societies.
Third,
although
Christians
are
in
general
much
less
likely
to
be
in
polygamous
unions
than
Muslims
and
followers
of
native
religions,
the
Africanization
of
Christianity
in
Zimbabwe
is
accompanied
by
the
reassertion
of
traditional
values
and
customs,
including
polygamy.
Our
main
conclusion
is
that
an
increase
in
female's
education
has,
in
the
long-run,
a
greater
effect
on
reducing
polygamy
than
an
increase
in
male's
education.