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複雑化する東アジアの持続可能性課題への対応

調査研究報告書

大塚 健司 編

2018年3月発行

表紙 / 目次(398KB)

第1章

東アジア各国は、大気・水・土壌汚染に伴う健康影響リスクの顕在化、地震や気候変動に伴う災害の頻発、原子力発電所事故への対応、少子高齢化の急激な進行に伴う地域社会の脆弱化等、環境・経済・社会の持続可能性を脅かす様々な共通のリスクにさらされており、人々の生命、生計、尊厳といった人間の安全保障が危機にさらされている。東アジアではこれら共通の持続可能性課題を解決するために各国での公共政策の展開、二国間・多国間での政府間協力に加えて、NGO・NPO、研究者グループを中心とした非政府ア クターによる国際協力が多層的・多元的に展開されているものの、国家の伝統的安全保障に係る諸問題によって、持続可能性課題の解決に向けた協調が困難な状況となっている。同時に持続可能性をめぐる課題の因果関係そのものは複雑であり、機能別専門組織によるセクター毎の対応では限界がある。このような東アジアにおいて複雑化する持続可能性課題に対して、地政学的不安定性・不確実性の現実を踏まえ、かつ機能別専門組織によるアプローチの限界を越えて、各国・各分野別の対応を超えていかに協調解決を図っていくか、そのためのガバナンスのあり方が問われている。本章では、筆者らがアジア経済研究所にて2017 年度に立ち上げた「複雑化する東アジアの持続可能性課題への対応」研究会におけ る研究の視角と課題を述べるとともに、本報告書に収められた各章の主な論点を概観する。

Chapter 2

Aiming at stimulating the discussion over the governance of cooperative solutions for complex cross-sectoral and cross-border issues concerning common threats to environmental sustainability in East Asia, this article seeks approaches to research on transnational networking for environmental sustainability issues in East Asia. First, we review some approaches to research on transnational networking focusing on policy network and epistemic community in political sciences and international relations as well as transdisciplinary research as an emerging field in sustainability sciences. Second, we review the process of an international workshop held in Seoul, October 2017 with the aim to discuss the governance and management of transnational networking cooperation on environmental sustainability issues in East Asia. Third, we discuss findings and tasks for transnational networking cooperation based on discussion in the workshop. Lastly, we point out prospects and challenges for the next step of our research.

Chapter 3
The purpose of this research is to review the history and achievements of the environmental cooperation focusing on the Dust and Sands Storms (DSS) and Air Pollution among Korea, Japan and China under the Tripartite Environment Minister Meeting (TEMM), and to suggest the challenges of promoting of the sustainable development of the TEMM. This research consists of three components: the history, achievements, and challenges of the TEMM. The evaluation of its achievements and challenges was carried out using the concept of ‘resilience’, and was focused on the areas of dust and sandstorms (DSS) and air pollution. The TEMM was launched in 1999 as the environmental cooperation mechanism to discuss and solve the environmental issues in Northeast Asia. Three countries have shared policies and experiences in main prominent environmental issues, such as dust and sandstorms, air pollution and, biodiversity conservation, also they have discussed the methods to address regional environmental problems. The TEMM is the most-widely-used active cooperation mechanism among a wide range of environmental cooperation mechanisms in Northeast Asia because it has the ability to promote sustainable cooperation based on the mutual trust among the countries. In particular, it has allowed for made a meaningful step in the cooperative efforts on focused on dust and sandstorms and, air pollution. However, for successful implementation and sustainable development of the TEMM, it is required to solve some challenges such as the securement of stable human and financial resources, improvement of the balance between cooperative on activities and, diversification of the cooperation method, etc.
Chapter 4
Environmental sustainability cannot be achieved meaningfully without appropriate energy policies. The nexus between energy and environment was well demonstrated by China’s experiences in energy development and transition. By examining China’s energy development between 1949 and 2017, this paper argues that its energy development has experienced a transition from a national security-oriented mode to environmental security-oriented direction. The watershed came in 2005, the year of Kyoto Protocol came into force and China became the world’s largest carbon emitter in terms of annual emissions. Importantly, behind such transition is the growing sense of urgency over environmental issues both domestically and internationally. Domestically, China faces enormous pressure from recurring pollution crises, as the scale and scope of protests against pollution are on the rise in the 21st century. Internationally, the securitization of the environment and the associated normative change in global international society (GIS) has had significant impact on China’s energy transition. Environmental ideas and norms have now so deeply embedded into the normative structure of international society, thus if any country wants to be considered as a responsible player, one cannot ignore such changes. It has been against such background that in responding to both internal and external pressures, the Chinese government stepped in to make radical changes even to its economic policy, in which environmental sustainability has become crucial part of its development, and even talking about reform of the “eco-civilization” system. The urgency of China to tackle environmental problem and energy transition, have sparked China to search for greater cooperation with variety of state and non-state actors. Thus, observing China’s experiences in energy transition, it is clear how energy and environment are so closely connected with each other. The energy transition becomes the prerequisite for environmental protection, and the calls for environmental sustainability from both domestic and international levels have become major driving forces behind China’s energy transition. The situation is probably the same in East Asia and the whole world. Indeed, China continues to face difficulties and challenges in this process of clean energy, but one thing can be sure, that is, in order to achieve environmental sustainability, China has to strive for clean and sustainable energy path. To achieve such a goal, China would search even greater cooperation with its East Asian neighbors and beyond.
第5章
2017年5月に就任した韓国の文在寅大統領は、大統領選挙でも「脱原発」を掲げ、建設中であった新古里第 5・6 号機の建設計画白紙化を公約していた。しかし、建設は 28.8%完了し、中断による地元経済への影響も憂慮され、賛否の世論は二分された。2017 年 6 月、文大統領は公論化委員会を設置して、市民が参加する熟議でこの問題に対応させることとした。熟議参加者の最終的な判断は、討論型世論調査で測定された。三ヶ月にわたる公論化活動の結果、建設再開が中止を上回り、日本のメディアは、韓国政府の脱原発政策を市民が拒否したという論調で伝えた。しかし、この討論型世論調査の結果を詳細に検討してみると、熟議参加者は、原発の安全性に最も留意し、原発を縮小していく方向を望んでいることが明らかになった。そして、彼らは、すぐに代替エネルギーに転換できる状況ではないと判断し、建設中の工事を再開する選択をしたことが推定された。今回の調査は、単純な世論調査ではなく、熟議の過程を経た判断を調べたものであり、当初は「わからない」としていた人々も熟議を経て自らの意見を持つようになり、徐々に建設再開が増える結果となった。原発縮小の方向を望みながらも、現時点で可能な対応として建設再開が選択されたことが見て取れた。 韓国の事例は、同じ 2017 年に脱原発へ舵をきった台湾とは対照的とされるが、実は世論が志向する方向性は違わない。同じ問題に同じ方向性の対応を志向しながら、現実の制約から全く異なる選択がなされることもある例である。「東アジアの共通課題への取り組み」を論じる際にも、国内要因に留意することが重要となる。